LexisNexis(TM) Academic - Document
Financial Times (London, England)
September 5, 2005 Monday
London Edition 1
SECTION: BUSINESS LIFE; Pg. 10
LENGTH: 784 words
HEADLINE: Greenpeace takes soft line in China The environmental organisation finds legal and cultural barriers bar protest action, say Hugh Williamson and Richard McGregor
BYLINE: By RICHARD MCGREGOR and HUGH WILLIAMSON
BODY:
On his name card Lo Sze Ping identifies himself as Greenpeace's local "campaign director". In the adjacent Chinese characters, however, his job description is subtly altered to read "programme director".
The difference, although small, is crucial in allowing Greenpeace to operate in China, a country whose leaders frown on political debate and forbid any campaigns other than those overseen by the ruling Communist party.
"We have to operate in a reasonably safe political context," says Mr Lo, in an interview near Greenpeace's offices in central Beijing.
Greenpeace, whose calling card has been stunts aimed at embarrassing politicians and multinationals and drawing attention to its cause, learnt its lesson the hard way in China.
Two stunts by Greenpeace activists in Tiananmen Square in Beijing in 1995, protesting against China's nuclear tests, and in Shanghai in 1996, were both suppressed within minutes, backfiring badly, according to the non-governmental organisation's officials.
"This was a bad start, and created the impression that we were western imperialists," says Martin Baker, Greenpeace's Hong Kong-based communications manager for China.
This led to the adoption of softer tactics towards China. The opening of an office in Hong Kong in 1997 marked an attempt to establish a presence in the country, with Chinese staff.
A "small, low-profile Beijing office" focused on translating work followed in 2000, says Cheung Sze Pang, a campaign manager for China. The office was expanded in 2003. In 2004, Gerd Leipold, Greenpeace International executive director, secured a meeting with a state environment protection administration vice-minister, clearing the way for the organisation to build its presence in China.
Greenpeace's expansion in the country in recent years "has been faster than any international NGO before, and faster than any other Greenpeace office elsewhere", says Mr Cheung.
More than 30 staff now work in mainland China on climate and energy; forest protection; an anti-toxics campaign; and opposition to genetically modified food.
Mr Lo rejects criticism that Greenpeace has struck a Faustian pact with China by eschewing its usual protest tactics. "We are a radical organisation but we are always practical," he says.
Yang Ailun, who pursues climate and energy issues in Greenpeace's Guangzhou office, acknowledges that the organisation works differently in China.
"The tradition of Greenpeace direct action doesn't work in China," she says. "If you protest you're seen as being angry, and people think you have already failed (to achieve your goal)."
In her campaign she works with industry and lobbies international financial institutions such as the World Bank to direct funds to projects involving wind enerÂÂgy, a natural power source.
Even with an established presence in the country, Greenpeace operates in a legal limbo. NGOs have no legal status in China. A draft law allowing them to register legally has been repeatedly delayed because some top leaders fear they could undermine one-party rule.
The authorities' suspicions grew after the "colour revolutions" that toppled governments in central Asia and the former Soviet Union. Chinese leaders, according to the local press, believe NGOs played a pivotal role in undermining these regimes. The central government is conducting a census of environmental NGOs to check their size and the scope of their activities.
Greenpeace operates in China through a contract with a consulting company; Mr Lo says it does not raise money or recruit members.
Other NGOs are also flourishing, especially in the fields of HIV/Aids and the environment, largely because their skills and expertise are sorely needed. "People have become more aware of their own problems and their own ability to do something about it," says Wan Yanqing, who runs an HIV/Aids NGO in Beijing.
In many parts of the country NGOs are increasingly welcomed. But equally, many officials remain wary or hostile. That means clever NGOs can forge powerful alliances, even as they make enemies.
Greenpeace, for example, has run a very public campaign against the logging practices of APP, Asia's largest pulp and paper company. It may have angered some officials in Hainan and Yunnan, the two provinces that are host to APP, but the campaign is in synch with the central government's broad ban on logging in native forests.
Mr Lo says there is "no reason" for Greenpeace to be "anti-government" in China, and points out that the country's policies on logging and diversifying its energy mix are far more progressive than those of the US. "The Bush administration hates us much more than the Chinese government does," he says. "Beijing knows we are not a puppet of the US."
LOAD-DATE: September 4, 2005
September 5, 2005 Monday
London Edition 1
SECTION: BUSINESS LIFE; Pg. 10
LENGTH: 784 words
HEADLINE: Greenpeace takes soft line in China The environmental organisation finds legal and cultural barriers bar protest action, say Hugh Williamson and Richard McGregor
BYLINE: By RICHARD MCGREGOR and HUGH WILLIAMSON
BODY:
On his name card Lo Sze Ping identifies himself as Greenpeace's local "campaign director". In the adjacent Chinese characters, however, his job description is subtly altered to read "programme director".
The difference, although small, is crucial in allowing Greenpeace to operate in China, a country whose leaders frown on political debate and forbid any campaigns other than those overseen by the ruling Communist party.
"We have to operate in a reasonably safe political context," says Mr Lo, in an interview near Greenpeace's offices in central Beijing.
Greenpeace, whose calling card has been stunts aimed at embarrassing politicians and multinationals and drawing attention to its cause, learnt its lesson the hard way in China.
Two stunts by Greenpeace activists in Tiananmen Square in Beijing in 1995, protesting against China's nuclear tests, and in Shanghai in 1996, were both suppressed within minutes, backfiring badly, according to the non-governmental organisation's officials.
"This was a bad start, and created the impression that we were western imperialists," says Martin Baker, Greenpeace's Hong Kong-based communications manager for China.
This led to the adoption of softer tactics towards China. The opening of an office in Hong Kong in 1997 marked an attempt to establish a presence in the country, with Chinese staff.
A "small, low-profile Beijing office" focused on translating work followed in 2000, says Cheung Sze Pang, a campaign manager for China. The office was expanded in 2003. In 2004, Gerd Leipold, Greenpeace International executive director, secured a meeting with a state environment protection administration vice-minister, clearing the way for the organisation to build its presence in China.
Greenpeace's expansion in the country in recent years "has been faster than any international NGO before, and faster than any other Greenpeace office elsewhere", says Mr Cheung.
More than 30 staff now work in mainland China on climate and energy; forest protection; an anti-toxics campaign; and opposition to genetically modified food.
Mr Lo rejects criticism that Greenpeace has struck a Faustian pact with China by eschewing its usual protest tactics. "We are a radical organisation but we are always practical," he says.
Yang Ailun, who pursues climate and energy issues in Greenpeace's Guangzhou office, acknowledges that the organisation works differently in China.
"The tradition of Greenpeace direct action doesn't work in China," she says. "If you protest you're seen as being angry, and people think you have already failed (to achieve your goal)."
In her campaign she works with industry and lobbies international financial institutions such as the World Bank to direct funds to projects involving wind enerÂÂgy, a natural power source.
Even with an established presence in the country, Greenpeace operates in a legal limbo. NGOs have no legal status in China. A draft law allowing them to register legally has been repeatedly delayed because some top leaders fear they could undermine one-party rule.
The authorities' suspicions grew after the "colour revolutions" that toppled governments in central Asia and the former Soviet Union. Chinese leaders, according to the local press, believe NGOs played a pivotal role in undermining these regimes. The central government is conducting a census of environmental NGOs to check their size and the scope of their activities.
Greenpeace operates in China through a contract with a consulting company; Mr Lo says it does not raise money or recruit members.
Other NGOs are also flourishing, especially in the fields of HIV/Aids and the environment, largely because their skills and expertise are sorely needed. "People have become more aware of their own problems and their own ability to do something about it," says Wan Yanqing, who runs an HIV/Aids NGO in Beijing.
In many parts of the country NGOs are increasingly welcomed. But equally, many officials remain wary or hostile. That means clever NGOs can forge powerful alliances, even as they make enemies.
Greenpeace, for example, has run a very public campaign against the logging practices of APP, Asia's largest pulp and paper company. It may have angered some officials in Hainan and Yunnan, the two provinces that are host to APP, but the campaign is in synch with the central government's broad ban on logging in native forests.
Mr Lo says there is "no reason" for Greenpeace to be "anti-government" in China, and points out that the country's policies on logging and diversifying its energy mix are far more progressive than those of the US. "The Bush administration hates us much more than the Chinese government does," he says. "Beijing knows we are not a puppet of the US."
LOAD-DATE: September 4, 2005
posted by Eastlaw at 10:09 PM
0 Comments:
Post a Comment
<< Home